NOVENSIA 21. Studia i materiały pod redakcją naukową. Piotra Dyczka

NOVENSIA 21

NOVENSIA 21 Studia i materiały pod redakcją naukową Piotra Dyczka

NOVENSIA 21 Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem Europy Południowo-Wschodniej Warszawa 2010

Projekt okładki Anna Adamczyk & Janusz Recław Opracowanie graficzne Anna Adamczyk Opracowanie redakcyjne Piotr Dyczek Recenzenci Leszek Mrozewicz Evgenia Genčeva Gerda von Bülow Svetlana Naumienko Korekta Tomasz Płóciennik Niniejszy numer zawiera artykuły w wersji pierwotnej. Copyright by Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem Europy Południowo-Wschodniej Uniwersytet Warszawski Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem Europy Południowo-Wschodniej 00 927 Warszawa ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 32 novae@uw.edu.pl Warszawa 2010 ISBN: 978 83 928330 5 5 ISSN: 0860 5777 Wydanie I Druk: Hussar Books

SPIS TREŚCI RENATA CIOłEK Great hoard of 4656 coins of King Ballaios from Risan... RENATA CIOłEK, TOMASz KOWAL Contribution to the history of research on Risan (Montenegro): the case of Heinrich Richlý... MAłGORzATA DASzKIEWICz, MARCIN BARANOWSKI Provenance study of Late Classic and Hellenistic black-coated pottery from Risan (Montenegro)... PIOTR DyCzEK Preliminary remarks on the archaeological context of the discovery of the great hoard of 4656 coins of King Ballaios in Risan (Rhizon/Risinium) PIOTR DyCzEK Roman mosaics from the Villa of Hypnos in ancient Rhizon/Risinium (Montenegro) continuation of mosaics analysis... PIOTR DyCzEK, JERzy KOLENDO, ADAM łajtar, TOMASz PłóCIENNIK, KRzySzTOf RzEPKOWSKI Iliryjski bóg Medaurus i mury Risinium w świetle inskrypcji metrycznej z Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2581; f. Buecheler, Carmina Latina epigraphica 1527) RAfAł KARPIńSKI Badania podwodne Risan 2003 2010... PRzEMySłAW LITWINOWICz Wstęp do typologii gwoździ brązowych ze stanowiska w Risan... JOVAN J. MARTINOVIć Some remarks on epigraphic and archaeological research in the Montenegrin littoral... 7 13 23 45 51 79 135 165 177

6 MILOš B. PETRIčEVIć A contribution to examining the topography of antique Risinium... KAROL SzyMCzAK, MAłGORzATA ANNA KOT, MILOš B. PETRIčEVIć Preliminary report on the fieldworks in 2008 in Tamnica cave near Risan, Montenegro... 185 203 Wskazówki dla autorów Novensia... Guidelines for Novensia authors... 215 221

Renata Ciołek GREAT HOARD OF 4656 COINS OF KING BALLAIOS FROM RISAN 1 Abstract: The article is a preliminary analysis of the contents of the great hoard from Risan, discovered in 2010 by the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe of the University of Warsaw. Approximate statistics for particular types and subtypes of coins were determined based on an examination of the hoard prior to cleaning and conservation of the coins. Preliminary conclusions concerning the hoard have also been presented. Key words: Rhizon/Risinium, Ballaios, hoard of coins Excavations carried out in Risan in 2010 by the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe of the University of Warsaw brought to light a hoard containing 4656 coins issued by Ballaios, 2 an Illyrian king known from no other source except his monetary issues. Some of these issues bear his name alone, while others add the title of basileus (BAΣIΛEΩΣ). His actual ruler status is not clear, however, given what is known of the Illyrian state, the nature of state-building processes in the Balkans in the 4th through 2nd century BC and the intertribal relations in the region. The numismatic evidence has given several indications, possibly also with regard to the years of his reign, and the importance of this has hardly been belittled by the fact that many of the coins found previously had no exact provenance. Apparent concentrations of the king s coins in certain regions could suggest places of production which could subsequently be tied in with territories under his rule, while the distribution of the coins can help to map the extent of his kingdom. Generally speaking, Ballaios seems to have ruled over the eastern shore of the Adriatic, from Kotor Bay in the south to Pharos island in the north. 3 One can distinguish a number of basic types and several variants among the known coins of this king. On the whole, Arthur Evans view that particular types of coins were apparently limited to specific regions should be upheld. The type with standing Artemis 1 This important find is signaled here following a preliminary appraisal of the coins before cleaning and conservation. I am deeply indebted to the staff of the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe, University of Warsaw, for making this research possible, and to Prof. Piotr Dyczek in particular for his generous assistance. 2 On the circumstances of the discovery, see KOWAL 2010, pp. 46 48. 3 EVANS 1880; RENDIć-MIOčEVIć 1964, p. 86; MAROVIć 1988, p. 97; GORINI 1989, pp. 28 29; GORINI 1990, pp. 319 321; UJES, KOVAčEVIć 1992, pp. 9 10; UJES 1993, pp. 7 8.

8 on the reverse is connected with Pharos, that with a walking Artemis with Rhizon. The iconography of the king s portrait could be an indication of Ballaios true appearance. 4 Coins of Ballaios, single finds as well as hoards, have been reported from Risan since the second half of the 19th century. five bigger assemblages containing only the king s coins are currently known; a sixth assemblage contains also other issues beside the royal ones. A few other coin deposits containing only Ballaios issues have been found outside Risan and outside the Kotor Bay area. four of the assemblages from Risan, discovered before World War II, contained from a few to a hundred coins apiece. Their current location is largely untraceable. The fifth hoard, now in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, has been studied and published. It contained also 10 coins issued by an autonomous Rhizon mint, 5 providing priceless data on the chronology of the coins and their mutual relations. Regular excavations by the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe of the University of Warsaw yielded more coins of Ballaios and a relatively large group of coins of the autonomous PIΣO type. 6 The great hoard discovered in 2010, while not the first from Risan, is definitely the largest 4656 pieces, weighing altogether close to 15 kilograms. 7 As a matter of fact, it is one of the biggest hoards of ancient coins known, not only from Illyria. 8 The overall number of coins of Ballaios now in existence suggests a greater than previously anticipated importance of this king and Rhizon under his rule, especially in the context of the history of the Illyrian state and the tribes related to the Illyrians. More importantly in the case of this find, the hoard was found in situ, in a clay jar of local production, hidden under a stone flagging inside a room otherwise undistinguished by its size or furnishings [fig. 1]. A layer of burning on the floor is indicative of unrest in the town when the hoard was secreted away perhaps a raid by pirates or an attack by another tribe, possibly internal strife, but equally well a calamitous conflagration that destroyed the settlement. The circumstances of deposition of the hoard suggest the owner had been pressed for time. Obviously, he never returned to retrieve his property. A cursory examination of the coins pending cleaning have shown that the hoard consisted of bronze pieces exclusively with not a single example in evidence of the one silver issue that Ballaios appears to have minted in small quantities. It seems that it will be possible to identify separate series struck with the same die, a feat previously not accomplished due to the poor condition of most previous finds. Comparison of the die stamps should pinpoint the date of issue of the great hoard from Risan and determine a relative chronology for particular types. This is a unique circumstance, despite the short period of time that the determination will concern. Secondly and most importantly, the set includes only coins issued at Rhizon, and moreover, only one or at the most two subtypes [fig. 2]. All bear the king s portrait facing left on the obverse and a figure of Artemis walking to left on the reverse. Other subtypes and variants are known in the case of coins of the Rhizon type, but in the present hoard this one subtype predominates, constituting 84% of all of the coins [fig. 3]. It was also possible 4 More on the subject in CIOłEK 2011. 5 GORINI 1991, pp. 28 31. 6 The type has been characterized in CIOłEK 2011. 7 A detailed study of the hoard, going beyond these preliminary observations, will be possible after the coins are cleaned and conserved by specialists from Montenegro. 8 MIRNIK 1981.

to distinguish a previously unknown variant of the subtype with the letter E in the word BAΣIΛEΩΣ in retrograde and a type previously not described independently in the literature, characterized by a specific form of the king s portrait. The latter constitutes only a few percent of the coins in the hoard [fig. 4]. Unidentifiable coins due to poor preservation (corrosion, contamination) or lumping made up only 13% of the hoard (and this could change after the coins have been cleaned and conserved). A single piece from this assemblage did not fit the mold as it was a Greek coin with the head of Heracles in lion s skin to left on the obverse and Pegasus flying to right with the letters [.]ΣO[?..] on the reverse. This kind of coin was issued by Dyrrhachium in 300 229 BC. The coin from the Risan hoard is well preserved, although the letters on the reverse are difficult to read because of the small diameter of the piece. There is no doubt that it was part of the hoard and did not make its way into the assemblage by chance or due to a contaminated archaeological context. 9 fig. 1. Great hoard at the time of discovery (photo J. Recław) fig. 2. Selection of coins from the great hoard. In the foreground: Rhizon type of coin most frequent in the hoard (photo J. Recław) fig. 3. Rhizon type coin, head to left, two spears frequent subtype in the great hoard (photo M. Bogacki) fig. 4. Illyrian type of coin, co-occurring with Rhizon type coins in the great hoard (photo M. Bogacki)

10 It is a point of interest that despite the overall good or even very good state of preservation of the coins, there are examples which are literally crumbling away, not from wear but from the effects of corrosion. The conditions of deposition of the hoard were unfavorable (salty accumulation fill) and the clay jar hardly constituted any kind of protection. Some of the coins were stuck together in twos and threes, even up to nine coins together, but there is no indication of any ordered arrangement. The coins were clearly not in rolls and clearly not in any order (for example, the obverse facing top). On the grounds of available data it may be hazarded that the place where the great hoard from Risan was found was either a mint or a treasury of some sort. The coins definitely represent a very brief production horizon. The total absence of the faros type of coin, which is known to have been used in Rhizon, suggests that the hoard did not contain coins that were in circulation. Irrefutable evidence for the mint theory may issue from further studies of the coins after conservation. Should they turn out to form a series struck with the same die stamp, it could be hazarded that the room in which the hoard was found was actually a part of the mint where coins were made. Its location in the city center is justifiable on security grounds, suffice it to mention the mint in Rome, for example. Any further conclusions will have to wait until the coins can be studied after cleaning. To recapitulate, the coins from the assemblage were all struck in Rhizon over a very short period of time. A lion s share of the hoard is constituted by a single subtype of coin issued in Rhizon; the other Rhizon subtype is very rare in the assemblage, while the faros type and another related type are completely absent. It seems therefore that the coins represent a single production cycle. Those of the coins which could be evaluated either had not been in circulation or, if they were, it had been only for a very short period of time. Pending further studies, the hoard may be interpreted as a deposit kept in the mint, containing coins from more than one production cycle, but covering only a very short striking period. Perhaps a certain amount of coins from successive production cycles were set aside, sorted for a reason as yet undetermined. The burning layer on the floor under which the hoard had been stashed away could be proof that the coins represent the latest, if not the last issues ever produced by King Ballaios.

11 Bibliography CIOłEK 2011 R. CIOłEK, Emisje króla Ballaiosa. Początki emisji w Ilirii [Issues of King Ballaios. Beginnings of issues in Illyria], Warsaw. EVANS 1880 A. EVANS, On some recent discoveries of Illyrian coins, Numismatic Chronicle 20, pp. 269 302. GORINI 1989 G. GORINI, Una moneta di Ballaios da San Domino (Isole Tremiti), Rivista Italiana di Numismatica 91, pp. 27 32. GORINI 1990 G. GORINI, Ancora monete di Ballaios dalla Pudlia, Rivista Italiana di Numismatica 92, pp. 319 323. GORINI 1991 G. GORINI, The Ballaeus hoard from Rizan in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Schweizer Münzblätter 41 (162), pp. 25 30. KOWAL 2010 T. KOWAL, Skarb monet z Risan [Hoard of coins from Risan], Archeologia Żywa 5 (51), pp. 46 48. MAROVIć 1988 I. MAROVIć, Novac ilirskog dinasta Baleja (BAΛΛAIOΣ) u Arheološkom muzeju u Splitu [Coins of the Illyrian king Ballaios from the Archaeological Museum in Split], Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 81, pp. 81 145. MIRNIK 1981 I. A. MIRNIK, Coin Hoards in Yugoslavia (= BAR International Series 95), Oxford. RENDIć-MIOčEVIć 1964 D. RENDIć-MIOčEVIć, Ballaios et Pharos. Contribution à la typologie et à l iconographie des monnaies gréco-illyriennes, Archaeologia Iugoslavica 5, pp. 83 92. UJES 1993 D. UJES, Novac kralja Balajosa i risanske kovnice iz Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu [Coins of King Ballaios and the Risan mint from the National Museum in Belgrade], Numizmatičar 16, pp. 5 36. UJES, KOVAčEVIć 1992 D. UJES, V. KOVAčEVIć, Novac kralja Balajosa sa iskopavanja u Risnu (1988) [Coins of king Ballaios from excavations in Risan (1988)], Numizmatičar 15, pp. 9 24. Streszczenie Wielki skarb 4656 monet króla Ballaiosa z Risan Skarb znaleziony został w 2010 r. podczas wykopalisk prowadzonych przez Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem Europy Południowo-Wschodniej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Nazwany on został wielkim skarbem z Risan w celu m.in. podkreślenia jego wyjątkowości i ogromnego znaczenia dla badań nad dziejami Rhizon oraz państwa iliryjskiego. Skarb zawiera 4656 sztuki i waży blisko 15 kilogramów. Dla dziejów Ilirii, a także dla historii samego ośrodka w Rhizon stanowi on unikalne pod każdym względem znalezisko. Jego wyjątkowość polega bowiem nie tylko na jego wielkości. Naturalnie jest on największym zespołem monet iliryjskich, a także jednym z większych znanych antycznych skarbów. Cała pula dotychczas znanych monet Ballaiosa wskazuje na większe znaczenie króla oraz Rhizon, niż do tej pory przypuszczano, szczególnie jeśli weźmiemy pod uwagę całą historię państwa iliryjskiego i plemion spokrewnionych z Ilirami. Skarb wyznacza horyzont monet bitych w krótkim czasie w Rhizon. Składał się on w przeważającej mierze z jednego podtypu monety emitowanej w Rhizon (typ Rhizon), inny występujący typ (tzw. iliryjski ) jest tutaj bardzo rzadki, brakuje zaś zupełnie monet

12 typu faros oraz kolejnego typu z nim związanego (tzw. przejściowego ). Wydaje się, że monety pochodzą z bardzo krótkiego odcinka czasowego, a większość najprawdopodobniej z jednego cyklu produkcyjnego. Egzemplarze, o których można coś powiedzieć, nie były starte, a zatem nie znajdowały się w obiegu wcale, albo znajdowały się w nim bardzo krótko. Na dalej idące wnioski należy poczekać do czasu odczyszczenia i zakonserwowania całego zespołu monet. W chwili obecnej wydaje się, że był to depozyt przechowywany w mennicy, w skład którego wchodzą monety z pewnego odcinka czasu, jednak nie z jednego etapu produkcji. Wygląda to tak, jak gdyby odkładano pewne monety z poszczególnych cyklów produkcji, być może dokonywano sortowania monet z powodu, który na razie nie jest możliwy do ustalenia. Warstwa spalenizny nad podłogą może natomiast wskazywać na to, że wśród monet znajdują się te z ostatniego etapu produkcji monet Ballaiosa. Dalsze wnioski i ewentualnie potwierdzenie tu przedstawionych będą możliwe dopiero po konserwacji, odczyszczeniu i dokładniejszych analizach całości zespołu. Renata Ciołek Institute of Archaeology University of Warsaw rciolek@hotmail.com

Renata Ciołek Tomasz Kowal CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF RESEARCH ON RISAN (MONTENEGRO): THE CASE OF HEINRICH RICHLÝ Abstract: The article highlights the person and accomplishments of Heinrich Richlý (1839 1907). The Czech archaeologist visited Risan (Greek Rhizon, Roman Risinium) in the end of the 19th century and wrote extensively about what he had seen. Of greatest interest are his observations concerning the topography of the town and a fragmentary Greek inscription with the name of the god Medauros, which he described and of which he made a cast. Richlý also collected and identified about 300 ancient coins and described a few of them, thus contributing to the current knowledge of numismatic finds from Risan. Key words: Rhizon/Risinium, Richlý, Ballaios, Carine, coins In 2001 archaeologists from the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe of the University of Warsaw started excavations in ancient Rhizon (Latin Risinium), modern Risan in Montenegro. Almost ten years of research have fruited in an abundant assemblage of finds, including many amphorae and clay plugs for these vessels, vessels of the Gnathia type and primarily large quantities of ancient coins. In 2010 the finds were especially rich in this last respect, producing a hoard of 4656 coins beside many interesting and unique piece found singularly or in groups. 1 The hoard came from the Carine VII sector located in the low-lying area of Risan on the western bank of the Spila river. This great hoard, 2 as it has come to be referred to, had been hidden under the floor of a room which was part of a bigger architectural complex from the Hellenistic period. The new Risan hoard justifies a closer look at other sets of coins coming from the neighborhood of Kotor Bay or otherwise associated with the mint operating in Rhizon. The mint struck huge quantities of coins, mainly for King Ballaios of the Rhizonites, but also autonomous coins issued on behalf of the city and its inhabitants. The latter group is definitely less numerous than the royal coinage. Currently, there are about 1800 royal coins recorded beside the great hoard, which calculated together with the coins from the hoard raises the total of known coins of this king to more than 6270 pieces. Considering 1 On the circumstances of the discovery, see KOWAL 2010, pp. 46 48. 2 CIOłEK 2010 (in this volume, pp. 7 12); DyCzEK 2011, pp. 5 10.

14 the rareness of Illyrian coinage in general, this is indeed a rare situation, especially as the issuer is a little known king not even mentioned by the ancient authors. The few Illyrian rulers known from historical sources, Monunios, Mitylos and the best known Illyrian king, Genthios, struck either no coins or very few. In other words, this unknown lord of Rhizon was greatly superior to other Illyrian kings in terms of coin minting. five different groups of coins of this particular king have been found in Risan and another mixed hoard containing also other issues. They counted from a dozen to a few dozen pieces. The biggest of these groups included 100 coins and was discovered in 1927. A bigger set was found in the locality of Pasičina in Croatia; it consisted of 469 pieces, but it has not been preserved whole and it is therefore not clear which type of Ballaios coin predominated in it. 3 All the more impressive is the hoard discovered recently by the Polish expedition. Investigations have been conducted in Risan from the end of the 19th century, when the site was excavated by the prominent British scholar Arthur Evans. He visited the Balkans and described his findings in a book: Through Bosnia and the Herzegovina on foot during the insurrection, August and September 1875; with an historical review of Bosnia and a glimpse at the Croats, Slavonians, and the ancient republic of Ragusa, published in London in 1876. Before 1898 the locality of the ancient town was investigated by the Czech archaeologist Heinrich Richlý or rather Jindřich Richlý (1839 1907), subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He described his observations from the Carine field in detail in the Mittheilungen der K.K. Central-Commission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst- und historischen Denkmale. A passus on the coins deserves attention. Richlý informed with satisfaction that he had found in Carine or purchased from the local inhabitants about 300 coins. 4 This relatively big set, consisting mainly of single finds, merits note for a number of reasons, not the least its variety. It was collected in an area where more than a hundred years later a team of archaeologists from the University of Warsaw started joint Polish-Montenegrin excavations. The history of archaeological research in Risan started with Arthur Evans, who excavated in Montenegro among others 5 and specifically on the site of Risan in 1878, 6 before going on to discover the Minoan palace in Knossos on Crete. 7 Not quite twenty years later Heinrich Richlý visited the site. In 1930 the yugoslavian archaeologist Dušan Vuksan started excavating the center of the ancient town, uncovering five big rooms of a Roman villa with mosaic floors in four of them. 8 In 1968, regular excavations were begun by the Chief Conservator s Office in Cetinje in Carine I, on the spot of an ancient temple and in the immediate vicinity. The work was carried out by č. Marković, J. Martinović and I. Pušić, but the results were never published. The fortress on the Gradina hill to the northeast of Carine became the object of investigations in 1970. fragments of architecture were uncovered. 9 In 1988 1989, excavations were renewed in Carine, in sector Carine VI, on a site covering 130 m 2 on the bank of the Spila. 10 Joint Polish-Montenegrin excavations were undertaken by archaeologists from the University of Warsaw in 2001. 11 The most 3 CIOłEK 2011, pp. 69 82. 4 RICHLý 1898, pp. 150 151. 5 WILKES 2006, p. 14. 6 EVANS 1884, pp. 39 52. 7 MURRAy 1999, pp. 211 219. 8 VUKSAN 1931, pp. 201 205. 9 faber 1992, p. 29. 10 UJES, KOVAčEVIć 1992, pp. 9 24. 11 On the results of excavations, see DyCzEK et alii 2004, pp. 101 118, pls. XXIV XXVII; DyCzEK et alii 2007, pp. 121 139, pls. XIX XX.

important discovery to date has been the clearing of two architectural complexes with ornamental mosaic floors, the so-called Villa of Hypnos and Villa of the Meanders. 12 Even more important was the recent find of a hoard of 4656 coins in the Carine VII sector. Among the bronzes of Ballaios there was just one coin struck by a different center, a bronze from Dyrrhachium. 13 Investigations have been continuing on the plateau near the Spila, uncovering ancient civil architecture and prospecting the full extent of the ancient town. The contribution of Heinrich Richlý, an archaeologists of Czech origin, is worth recalling in detail as it has been somewhat forgotten. In 1898 Richlý visited the Bay of Kotor in his capacity as chief conservator of antiquities in Vienna, which he held from 1891, 14 and committed his detailed observations to print in a Vienna journal. 15 He also described and made a gypsum cast of a fragmentarily preserved Greek inscription mentioning the name of the god Medauros. 16 The most important results of Richlý s work in Risan from the point of view of Polish archaeologists are his geographical descriptions and his observations on the topography. 17 Based on these reports it is possible today to reconstruct the natural environment at the end of the 19th century in an area of Risan that was industrialized just a few dozen years after the Czech s visit. A sawmill was built in the fields of Carine and a harbor for boats constructed on the waterfront at the mouth of the Spila. According to Richlý, Risan in the end of the 19th century was divided into an eastern and western part separated by the Spila river. 18 The plain on the western bank covered about 6 ha and was called locally Carine (which refers to the customs that stood here in the Turkish age). Richlý divided the area into nine sectors which he sketched [fig. 1] and noted that six of these (I, II, III, IV, VII, VIII) were 0.30 0.50 m above sea level, while the remaining three (V, VI, IX) were situated a meter higher, at an altitude of 1.30 1.50 m above sea level. Carine was cut across from east to west by a road leading from Risan to Carine, leading across a stone bridge over the Spila and running further west to the Gradina hill. 19 15 fig. 1. Plan of Risan (Carine) from the end of the 19th century (after Richlý 1898) 12 DyCzEK 2009, pp. 51 63. 13 CIOłEK 2010 (in this volume, pp. 7 12). 14 šlechtová, LEVORA 2004, p. 252. 15 RICHLý 1898, pp. 143 152. 16 KUBITSCHEK 1903, cols. 170 173, DyCzEK et alii 2010 (in this volume, pp. 79 133). 17 RICHLý 1898, pp. 145 152. 18 Ibidem, pp. 145 146. 19 Ibidem.

16 Richlý went on to describe the situation in each of the sectors, paying attention to architectural ruins, including a stretch of Cyclopean wall in sector V, various kinds of stone slabs and fragmented clay and glass vessels, as well as copper-alloy finds of coins, nails and other objects. He interviewed local inhabitants about previous finds from these areas, discovering, for example, where two gold coins 20 and a golden figurine 21 had been found earlier. These he mapped carefully. Of all the architectural remains he saw in Carine, he paid more attention only to the Cyclopean wall. 22 In his publication in the Vienna journal Richlý described the size, shape and color of ceramic finds, dividing them into vessels and building elements. Among the pottery the Czech archaeologist distinguished storage containers, including amphora bases, rims and handles, and tableware which encompassed bowls, beakers, cups and other forms, representing mainly terra sigillata and Gnathia ware. Last in this chapter Richlý described the pottery stamps mainly on amphora handles. 23 This section was followed by a description of the rare stone finds, giving the kind of stone, the function and dimensions, and then the glass vessels which were relatively frequent in Carine. These represented mainly tableware vessels, although ornamental fragments of windowpanes were also noted. 24 Metal objects, which were described next, were divided into copper, bronze, lead, iron, silver and gold objects. Richlý noted the good condition of the bronze nails, recorded the presence of items like finger rings, fishing hooks, vessels, polished tablets and other unidentified objects, 25 and described the coins, emphasizing their poor state of preservation and characterizing precisely the kind of damages. Interestingly, researchers have repeatedly noted the poor condition of the coins, because this affected the analysis of the coins, their mutual relations and identification, and in effect relative chronology. for the same reason it is still impossible to establish an exact metrology of the discovered coins. Richlý divided the 300 coins he had collected into three groups by provenance. He distinguished Illyrian coins, issues from Syria and Roman coins. He also mentioned a massive die with quadratum incusum but without any images or legend, but this information should be treated with caution. Coins with quadratum incusum on the reverse were struck in the Archaic period and there is no justification for the presence of this object in Risan. It would be the only case of a die for these coins from the Archaic period. It could have been a massive disc with a rectangular or square depression and when one reads on Richlý s description of a double motif of the cow/calf on the reverse of Dyrrhachium coins, it becomes clear that he took the double motif as quadratum incusum (such theories have also been proposed, although they are no longer accepted). 26 Therefore, the object described by Richlý could have been a die for striking the reverse of Dyrrhachium coins. If so, it would testify to the close relations between Rhizon and this Greek colony. Nonetheless, the disk could have also been a modern object; without more data and a drawing at least, it is impossible to interpret this information. 20 Ibidem, p. 145. 21 Ibidem, p. 148. 22 Ibidem, pp. 146 148; about Cyclopean walls, see KOWAL 2011, pp. 187 194. 23 Ibidem, pp. 148 149. 24 Ibidem, p. 149. 25 Ibidem, pp. 149 150. 26 On this topic, see SǎşIANU 1986, pp. 27 33; 1993, p. 246 (with further references to each interpretation), see also MAIER 1908, p. 2; BöHRINGER 1989, p. 5.

Among the Syrian coins Richlý mentioned a coin of the Seleucid ruler Antiochus II Theos (261 246 BC) struck in the Sardes mint. It had a portrait of Apollo on the obverse, and a tripod with a legend indicating the issuer on the reverse [fig. 2]. It is impossible to identify the coin any closer than in the range of SC 520 540. 27 Coins of this ruler are not rare in the world of Greek coinage, but its presence in Risan is somewhat of a phenomenon. 17 fig. 2. Coin of Antiochus II, analogous to the one found by H. Richlý (after www.wildwinds.com) With regard to the Illyrian coins found in Risan, Richlý emphasized a silver Dyrrhachium coin of the cow/calf type and two issues of Ballaios. Dyrrhachium coins are not rare either in the Balkans or in Risan and are recorded with relative frequency among the finds from modern excavations. At Risan, it is the most numerous coin find beside Rhizon issues. Richlý s description does not permit the exact type of the coin to be identified, because he was either incapable or unable due to poor preservation to read correctly the names of the prytaneis and/or minter by which these coins can be determined. One of the coins of Ballaios was described in detail, enabling identification as an example of the Rhizon type, head to right, two spears on the reverse (type V 2 A) 28 [fig. 3]. Richlý s description reveals that he had little knowledge of Ballaios coins. He interpreted the goddess with torches and spears as Diana, although she had already been identified in topic literature as Artemis. Of the other coin he said only that it was similar to the first one except for the legend which gave the name of the king reduced to the genitive. It should also be identified as a Rhizon type of coin because the name was given as one unit and not divided as on coins of the Pharos type. Nonetheless, it is seldom that the name of the king is well preserved on these coins. Richlý was absolutely sure that he had the full name of the ruler, but to the present authors the information about the second coin of Ballaios is not consistent. If the piece was found in Risan, it should be a coin of the Rhizon type which makes for the absolute majority of Ballaios coins from the town. The two coins have been lost, but even so, thanks to Richlý s description, the body of coins of the Rhizonite ruler can be extended by these two objects. 27 HOUGHTON, LORBER et alii 2002. 28 CIOłEK 2011, pp. 98 99.

18 fig. 3. Coin of Ballaios, Rhizon type, head to left / two spears (photo M. Bogacki) Richlý s descriptions of Roman issues, which came next, are laconic and incomplete, often improbable, like the mention of coins of Caligula or Octavian Augustus. Galba s coins were identified based on a fragment of legend preserved in the very place where the emperor s name should be expected; otherwise Richlý considered the coin as illegible, noting only a radiate bust of the emperor on the obverse. This makes his identification improbable as Galba never struck a coin with a radiate bust. 29 finding a coin of Claudius II Gothicus is possible, especially as coins of this emperor continue to be found in Risan even today. The description is too meager, however, for anything more to be said about this Antoninianus issue. The coin of Diocletian that Richlý had in his collection must have been well preserved because his description was more or less correct, reading the legend on the obverse as IMP DIOCLETIANVS Pf AVG and on the reverse as GENIO POPVLI ROMANI with a figure holding a cornucopia. But since the text in the exergue was not given, the coin cannot be identified. The mint has to be known for a coin of Diocletian to be identified precisely, because the emperor struck coins with this particular obverse and reverse image in all of the mints. 30 The same is true of the coin which Richlý identified as belonging to Constantine I. The description of the reverse as zwei Krieger, feldzeichen haltend suggests the GLORIA EXERCITVS type 2 after LRBC, 31 but here the soldiers hold their spears and shields and the standards are between them. Without knowledge of what is written in the exergue precise identification is impossible. Richlý did try to read the legend in the exergue of another coin, but his reading H. O. S. is difficult to interpret. He thought it was a coin of Crispin issued on the fifth anniversary of the beginning of his reign in 320. All that can be said of this coin today is that it was struck by one of the Constantines. Richlý was correct when he stated that coins of the Constantine dynasty are the most numerous. It is generally the case that 4th century coins are the most numerous among finds all over Europe. A transient improvement of the Roman economy after the deep financial crisis of the 3rd century AD was responsible for this situation and the abundance of 4th century coins reflects greater economic activity. The other factor determining this abundance was the prolific production of bronzes during this period. The coin represented very low value and was struck in huge amounts. 29 Cf. RIC, pp. 232 257. 30 Cf. RIC VI. 31 LRBC, p. 34.

The youngest coin in Richlý s collection was eine silberplattirte Kupfermünze with the legend DOMINVS NOSTER CONSTANTINVS. 32 The information is difficult to interpret as there was no economic justification for the use of subaeratus pieces in the 4th century. Richlý s description suggests that he read the full legend DOMINVS NOSTER, but no such coins were ever issued. Either this coin was a fake or Richlý s description is radically incorrect. Richlý s text contained a mention of two gold coins, 33 but no description or even indication what period they could be attributed to. Surprisingly, he described their location with considerable precision. The coins were definitely not from the Illyrian period; they could have been Roman or even later, but for lack of a description, it can only be surmised that they were not ancient and therefore did not engender Richlý s attention. In 2004 the team initiated excavations in the Carine VII sector. Most of the coins were found in this sector, which was sector V according to the Czech archaeologist. It will be remembered that this area was 1.30 1.50 m a.s.l. Archaeologists determined the hypothetical course of city walls, situation of towers, gates, main streets and a section of the Cyclopean walls. 34 In Hellenistic times the site was very well fortified and the walls rising above the river could have been more than a dozen meters high. The gate was flanked by two towers. On the other side, the Gradina fortress stood guard over the city. A fragment of paved street was also uncovered, lined on both sides by boutiques, taverns and stores filled with amphorae. The boutiques produced the remains of a variety of luxury wares of the Gnathia type (skyphoi, kylixes, beakers, oinochoe, small bowls). It was no doubt a place of lively commercial activities and it is here that the jar with the great hoard of coins was discovered. In conclusion, it should be said that the publication of Czech archaeologist Heinrich Richlý s observations made in Risan contains a wealth of data on the site as it looked in the late 19th century and relevant observations, although not where coins are concerned. Nonetheless, he collected many interesting coin finds during his relatively brief sojourn on the site and made en effort to link them to specific places and draw conclusions on these grounds. 19 Abbreviations LRBC RIC Late Roman Bronze Coinage, A.D. 324498, ed. P. V. HILL, J. P. C. KENT, R. A. G. CARSON, London 1960. The Roman Imperial Coinage, ed. H. MATTINGLy, E. A. SyDENHAM, C. H. V. SUTHERLAND, R. A. G. CARSON, P. H. WEBB, J. W. E. PEARCE, P. M. BRUUN, J. P. C. KENT, 1 10, London 1923 1994. 32 RICHLý 1898, p. 151. 33 Ibidem, p. 146. 34 DyCzEK et alii 2007, pp. 132 133.

20 Bibliography BöHRINGER 1989 Ch. BöHRINGER, fragen zum Münzumlauf in Illyrien in hellenistischer zeit, Iliria 2, pp. 185 195. CIOłEK 2010 R. CIOłEK, Great hoard of 4565 coins of King Ballaios from Rhizon, Novensia 21, pp. 7 12. CIOłEK 2011 R. CIOłEK, Emisje króla Ballaiosa. Początki emisji w Ilirii [Issues of King Ballaios. Beginnings of issues in Illyria], Warszawa. DyCzEK 2009 P. DyCzEK, Hypnos from Risinium (Montenegro), Novensia 20, pp. 51 63. DyCzEK 2011 P. DyCzEK, O królewskim skarbie z antycznego Rhizon (Risinium) [On the royal hoard from ancient Rhizon (Risinium)], Ad Rem. Kwartalnik Akademicki 1 2/2011, pp. 5 10. DyCzEK et alii 2004 P. DyCzEK, V. KOVAčEVIć, P. LUTOVAC, J. MARTINOVIć, J. RECłAW, A. STANKOVIć, Rhizon, 2001 2003. Preliminary report on the excavations of the Center for Archaeological Research Novae, Warsaw University, Archeologia. Rocznik Instytutu Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk 55, pp. 101 118, pls. XXIV XXVII. DyCzEK et alii 2007 P. DyCzEK, V. KOVAčEVIć, M. LEMKE, P. LUTOVAC, J. RECłAW, Rhizon, 2004 2007. Preliminary report on the excavations of the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe, University of Warsaw, Archeologia. Rocznik Instytutu Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk 58, pp. 121 139, pls. XIX XX. DyCzEK et alii 2010 P. DyCzEK, J. KOLENDO, A. łajtar, T. PłóCIENNIK, K. RzEPKOWSKI, Iliryjski bóg Medaurus i mury Risinium w świetle inskrypcji metrycznej z Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2581; f. Buecheler, Carmina Latina epigraphica 1527) [The Illyrian god Medaurus and the defenses of Risinium in the light of a metrical inscription from Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2581; f. Buecheler, Carmina Latina epigraphica 1527)], Novensia 21, pp. 79 133. EVANS 1880 A. EVANS, On some recent discoveries of Illyrian coins, Numismatic Chronicle 20, pp. 269 302. EVANS 1884 A. EVANS, Antiquarian researches in Illyricum, Archaeologia. Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity 48, pp. 1 52. faber 1992 A. faber, Prilog topografiji prethistorijskog i antičkog naselja na tlu Risna [Contribution to the topography of the prehistoric and ancient settlement in the territory of Risan], Glasnik odjeljenja umjetnosti, Crnogorska akademija nauka i umjetnosti 11, pp. 25 39. HOUGHTON, LORBER etalii2002, 2008 A. HOUGHTON, C. LORBER et alii, Seleucid Coins 1 2, Lancaster. KOWAL 2010 T. KOWAL, Skarb monet z Risan [Hoard of coins from Risan], Archeologia Żywa 5 (51), pp. 46 48. KOWAL 2011 T. KOWAL, The cyclopean walls of Rhizon. Polish archaeological excavations in 2001 2010 and Heinrich Richlý s 19th century report, [in:] Studia Lesco Mrozewicz ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, ed. S. RUCIńSKI, K. BALBUzA, K. KRóLCzyK, Poznań, pp. 187 194. KUBITSCHEK 1903 K. KUBITSCHEK, Gott Medaurus, Mitteilungen der k.k. Zentral-Kommission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst- und historischen Denkmale Dritter folge 2, coll. 170 173. MAIER 1908 I. MAIER, Die Silberprägung von Apollonia und Dyrrhachion, Numismatische Zeitschrift N.f. 1 (41), pp. 1 33. MURRAy 1999 T. MURRAy, Sir Arthur Evans 1851 1941, I, [in:] Encyclopedia of Archaeology. The Great Archaeologists, ed. T. MURRAy, Santa Barbara Denver Oxford, pp. 211 219.

RICHLý 1898 SǎşIANU 1986 SǎşIANU 1993 H. RICHLý, Archäologische funde aus dem Bocche di Cattaro, Mittheilungen der k.k. Central-Commission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst- und historischen Denkmale N.f. 24, pp. 143 152. A. SǎşIANU, The Apollonia and Dyrrhachium drachms: typological explanation, [in:] Proceedings of the 10th International Congress of Numismatics, London, September 1986, ed. I. A. CARRADICE, London, pp. 27 33. A. SǎşIANU, Symbolism on Dyrrhachium and Apollonian drachms, [in:] L Illyrie méridionale et L Épire dans l Antiquité II. Actes du II e Colloque international de Clermont-Ferrand (25 27 Octobre 1990), ed. P. CABANES, Paris, pp. 241 249. šlechtová, LEVORA 2004 A. šlechtová, J. LEVORA, Členové České akademie věd a umění 1890 1952 [Members of the Czech Academy of Sciences and Arts 1890 1952], Praha. UJES, KOVAčEVIć 1992 VUKSAN 1931 WILKES 2006 D. UJES, V. KOVAčEVIć, Novac kralja Balajosa sa iskopavanja u Risnu (1988) [Coins of king Ballaios from excavations in Risan (1988)], Numizmatičar 15, pp. 9 24. D. VUKSAN, Rimski mozaik [Roman mosaic], Almanah-Šematizam zetske banovine 1, pp. 201 205. J. WILKES, Introduction, [in:] A. EVANS, Ancient Illyria: An Archaeological Exploration, London New york (reprint). 21 Streszczenie Przyczynek do historii badań w Risan (Czarnogóra) casus Heinricha Richlý ego Artykuł ma za zadanie przybliżyć postać i dokonania Heinricha Richlý ego (1839 1907), czeskiego archeologa. Richlý pod koniec XIX w. znajdował się w Risan (greckie Rhizon, rzymskie Risinium) i szczegółowo spisał swoje obserwacje z tego miejsca. Najcenniejszymi wynikami prac tego badacza są jego spostrzeżenia dotyczące sytuacji topograficznej miasta oraz opis i sporządzenie odlewu fragmentarycznie zachowanej inskrypcji greckiej z imieniem boga Medaurosa. Badacz posiadał około 300 monet z terenów antycznego miasta. Dokonał ich określeń, sporządził opis kilku z nich. Dzięki temu opisowi i obecnej interpretacji monet nasza wiedza na temat numizmatów z antycznego Risan jest znacznie bogatsza. Renata Ciołek Institute of Archaeology University of Warsaw rciolek@hotmail.com Tomasz Kowal Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe University of Warsaw t.kowal@uw.edu.pl

Małgorzata Daszkiewicz Marcin Baranowski PROvENANCE STUDY OF LATE CLASSIC AND HELLENISTIC BLACK-COATED POTTERY FROM RISAN (MONTENEGRO) Abstract: Excavations in Risan (ancient Risinium), situated in Montenegro, since 2001 have been carried out by a mission from the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe, University of Warsaw, directed by Piotr Dyczek. Laboratory analyses (chemical analysis by WD- XRf, MGR-analysis, thin-sections study) were carried out on 112 fragments of black-coated Late Classic and Hellenistic pottery. The main aim of laboratory analyses was to identify provenance groups. The majority of the samples come from a region very probably within present-day Albania where clay with high contents of magnesium, chrome and nickel occurs. Key words: Risan, Montenegro, Late Classic pottery, Hellenistic pottery, black-slip, black-gloss, chemical analysis, MGR-analysis, thin-sections Introduction In 2001 the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe, University of Warsaw, directed by Prof. P. Dyczek, initiated excavations at a new site within the present-day town of Risan in Montenegro. In 2004 archaeometric analysis was undertaken on ceramic sherds selected by Prof. P. Dyczek. These 39 fragments represented amphorae, Gnathia-type pottery, lamps and basins; some of the analysis results have already been published. 1 In 2008 laboratory analysis was carried out on a further 112 ceramic sherds, including 37 samples recovered from excavations held in 2001 2006 at the Carine VI site and 75 samples selected from excavations in 2008. The analysed pottery sherds came from strata dated to the terminal Classical and Hellenistic periods. The main aim of both series of analyses was to identify provenance groups and ascribe them to production centres (workshops), hence to determine which of the analysed fragments were made at local potteries (local to the site, or local to the region), and which had been imported (and where from). The analysis results 2 were used in M. Baranowski s M.A. thesis, supervised by Prof. Dyczek. In his thesis Baranowski presented a comprehensive description of all pottery fragments and examined the correlation between groups identified by macroscopic 1 BARANOWSKI et alii 2006; DASzKIEWICz et alii 2007. 2 DASzKIEWICz et alii 2009.

24 observation of ceramic fabrics and provenance groups determined by laboratory analysis. He also investigated whether diagnostic parameters of ceramic fabrics could be defined that would enable provenance groups to be identified macroscopically. Archaeological background The town of Risan in Montenegro lies on the river Spila at the northern edge of the Bay of Kotor, 11 km north-west of Kotor. Several versions of the town s name are noted in antiquity (Rhizon, Rhizinium, Risinium). Pseudo-Skylax s 4th-century-BC work Periplus mentions a temple on the river Rhizus (the present-day Bay of Kotor). Polybius described Rhizon as a well-fortified town on the river Rhizon. On the Tabula Peutingeriana the town appears as Resinum, the Geographer of Ravenna referring to it as Rucinium, and Constantine Porphyrogenitus as Risena. On the Tabula Peutingeriana it lies at the junction of two major roads: one skirting the Adriatic coast (Cavtat Boka Kotorska Shkodër), the other leading to the Danube, in the direction of present-day Belgrade. According to one theory the town s name is of Illyrian origin; another theory claims that it derives from Celtic and means our fortress. from the 19th century to the end of the Second World War the town was known as Risano, later being changed to Risan. 3 The earliest traces of settlement in this region date back to 5500 BC. 4 Sites dating from the early phase of the Adriatic Neolithic period have been recorded near Risan, numerous local tumuli are dated to the Bronze Age, whilst rock art in Lipci (a village c. 2 km from Risan) probably dates from the 8th century BC. By the 4th century BC Risan was controlled by local rulers, who maintained close links with Greece. Their supremacy grew during the latter half of the 3rd century BC after Queen Teuta came to power in 231 BC. Her territorial policies saw her conquer Epidamnos and Apollonia, as well as the islands of Issa (present-day Vis) and Korkyra (present-day Korfu). To stop any further expansion Rome sent envoys to Teuta, but they were probably murdered, and their ships looted. This prompted war with the Illyrians in 229 and 228 BC, leading Teuta to seek refuge in Risan. In the summer of 228 BC Teuta lost the war and had to give up most of her territories in Illyria. An important event in Risan s history came in 168 and 167 BC, when the Illyrian king Genthios lost power and was captured during the Third Illyrian War. Although this left Illyrians under Roman control, the inhabitants of Risan retained their independence and privileges. Numerous coins of Ballaios (c. 260 230 BC) 5 have been found in Risan, as well as on Hvar Island, with isolated examples being noted in Veneto, Apulia and Calabria. Their distribution suggests that the king, subservient to Rome, reigned at this time over an area stretching from Hvar Island to Risan, his seat possibly having been located in Risan. The creation of a Roman province in Dalmatia did not affect the town s standing. The division into the Eastern and Western Empire resulted in Risan becoming part of Byzantium. In 3 DyCzEK et alii 2004, pp. 102 104. 4 DyCzEK et alii 2004. 5 CIOłEK 2011, pp. 86 92.

AD 610 612 the town was abandoned, the last bishop of Risan being noted in 595. In 840 841 Risan was very probably invaded by the Saracens. At the Battle of Bar in 1042, between Vojislav and Byzantium, Risan became part of the Kingdom of zeta. In 1499 the town was conquered by the Turks. 6 Archaeological investigations in Risan were initiated in the 1870s by A. Evans, who discovered two graves at the western end of the town, near the coast. 7 In the late 19th century H. Richlý found Cyclopean walls in the river Spila. 8 In 1970 a 25-metre-long and 5-metrewide moat was noted on top of Gradina (a hill rising above Risan), together with a 7-metre-long stretch of stone defense wall of the 3rd century BC. 9 The first excavations at Carine (the local name for the settlement at the foot of Gradina hill) were undertaken in 1988 by V. Kovačević. 10 Since 2001 work at Risan has been conducted by archaeologists from the University of Warsaw s Centre for Archaeological Research at Novae (current name Center for Research of the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe, University of Warsaw). This project is run by the Centre s director, Professor Piotr Dyczek. Working with local archaeologists a preliminary survey of the bed of Risan s bay was carried out, revealing Greek and Greco-Italic amphorae of the late 4th and 3rd centuries BC, and sherds of 4th-century-AD Roman vessels and amphorae. 11 In consequence, both underwater and land-based excavations were conducted concurrently at Risan. four seasons (2004 2007) of underwater investigations were aimed at locating the ancient port of Risan and its roadstead. Work concentrated around the Rtc cape at a depth of 10 12 metres. An echo-sounding survey revealed pottery concentrations at a depth of 11 metres. These deposits included fragments of amphora, tegulae, Gnathia-type pottery, Late Antique vessels and Turkish ceramics lying approximately 50 metres from the present-day shoreline. Assessing the distribution of these finds and the pattern of local sea currents led to the conclusion that the ancient port roadstead was located within the surveyed area. The port may have lain to the east of the cape, in a sheltered bay. 12 Consecutive seasons of land-based excavations revealed buildings of the Hellenistic period (baths, pottery stores), a Roman hospitium (known as the Villa of Hypnos) 13 and Cyclopean walls extant to a height of 1.5 metres, dated to 2350 +/ 50 BC. 14 In 2006 excavations began of the fortress on Gradina hill (207 m a.s.l.). 15 D. Ujes published a key publication on ancient pottery from Risan. 16 In her work the author addresses the classification of Late Classical and Early Hellenistic ceramics. As an example of the best-preserved Hellenistic vessel she cites a guttus dated to the early 3rd century BC, recovered from a grave at the Carine site during A. Evans excavations in 1878. Similar vessels are housed at archaeological museums in Bari, Tarentum and Lipami. 17 25 6 DyCzEK 2003; DyCzEK et alii 2004. 7 DyCzEK et alii 2004, p. 105. 8 Ibidem, p. 105. 9 MIJOVIć, KOVAčEVIć 1975, p. 25. 10 KOVAčEVIć 1997a, pp. 17 21; 1997b, pp. 18 25. 11 DyCzEK et alii 2004, p. 108. 12 DyCzEK et alii 2007, p. 137. 13 DyCzEK et alii 2007, pp. 121 128; DyCzEK 2009, pp. 51 63. 14 DyCzEK et alii 2007, p. 129. 15 Ibidem, p. 133 135. 16 UJES 1999. 17 Ibidem, p. 206.