1 1 Rajmund Pietkiewicz PWT Wrocław Reception of Christian Hebrew Studies in Renaissance Poland In the first half of the 16th century in West Europe reception of Jewish studies on Hebrew and Aramaic languages took place. It was instigated by humanistic interests in Antiquity and the Reformation comeback to the sources of Christian faith. Also, in Poland and Lithuania the reception of Hebrew studies took place, which is supported by three widely commented, non-catholic translations of the whole Hebrew Bible into Polish (the Brest Bible, the Nesvizh Bible and the Danzig Bible), as well as the Catholic Bible in the translation of a Jesuit priest Jakub Wujek, who translated the Bible from Latin Vulgata, while comparing its text with the Hebrew and Greek versions. The edition of four translations of the Scripture, representing different Christian confessions, over several dozens of years would not have been possible without the reception of Christian Hebrew studies in Poland. It is the process of that reception that constitutes the subject matter of the present paper. The reception of the Christian Hebrew studies in Poland triggers off several questions: 1. How did the reception process of the knowledge of Hebrew in Poland happen? 2. Were the Christian-Hebrew studies in Poland creative or imitative? 3. Did the contacts with the followers of Judaism, who inhabited the territory of Poland in big numbers, influence Christian Hebrew studies? 4. Were the Polish studies of the Hebrew language humanistic or confession-like in character? 5. How were the studies of Hebrew organized in Poland? 6. What purpose did they serve? 7. What was the command of Hebrew language among Polish Hebrew scholars? 8. How popular was Hebrew among contemporary society? While talking about Polish Renaissance I mean the period from the end of 15th century until 1638, when the Arian printing house in Raków was closed 1. Referring to Poland, I mean, first of all, the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, which was tightly connected with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and its fiefdom lands. Hence, while talking about Polish Hebrew studies at least such academic centers as Prussian Königsberg and Lithuanian Vilnius should be mentioned. 1 See A. Kawecka-Gryczowa, Z dziejów polskiej książki w okresie Renesansu. Studia i materiały (Wrocław 1975), p. 23.
2 2 My paper comprises three parts: 1. In the first part I will present humanistic and confession trends of Hebrew studies. 2. The second part will be devoted to the presentation of Christian and Jewish Hebrew printing in Poland. 3. Finally, the third will deal with Hebrew grammars, which were printed in Cracow. 1. Humanistic and Confession Trends of Hebrew Studies The early traces of Christians' interest in Hebrew in Poland can be found back in 15th century. The first trace presents three words written in a square alphabet by Dawid from Mirzyniec, in a Medieval manuscript from the 60's of the 15th century. The second one constitutes a message conveyed by Maciej from Miechów ( 1523), saying that Michał from Wieluń ( 1487) a professor from Cracow Academy, knew Hebrew very well 2. The first humanist who knew Hebrew appeared at Cracow Academy about It was a Silesian man Wacław Koler (Antraceus) ( 1546) from Hirschberg (today: Jelenia Góra). However, he did not have classes in Hebrew and it is not known where he had learned it 3. It was not until the end of the 20's of the 16th century that Hebrew was taught within university structures in Cracow. It was highly supported by bishops from Cracow, namely by Piotr Tomicki ( 1535) and Samuel Maciejowski ( 1550). Bishop Tomicki supported teachers of ancient languages in Cracow, among which was Hebrew 4, and in 1528 he founded the first Chair of Hebrew, which Dawid Leonard, a baptized Jew from Warsaw, was entrusted with. In 1530 Dawid Leonard published Hebrew primer by Philipp Novenianus from Hasfurt 5. He also compiled his own Hebrew grammar, which was distributed only in the form of a manuscript, now gone. Jan Campensis was of such high opinion of the grammar that he placed a letter of praise for Dawid Leonard in his own grammar published in Cracow 6. 2 See R. Kaśków, Zainteresowanie językiem hebrajskim w XVI wieku w Polsce, Z historii ludności żydowskiej w Polsce i na Śląsku (ed. K. Matwijowski) (Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 1568; Wrocław 1994), p. 41; W. Wydra, Z badań nad «Skargą umierającego» i «Dialogiem mistrza Polikarpa ze Śmiercią», Studia Polonistyczne 7 (1979), p. 204; M. Zwiercan, Michał z Wielunia, PSB XX, p See K. Morawski, Historya Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Średnie wieki i Odrodzenie (Kraków 1900) II, p. 253; H. Barycz, Historja Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w epoce humanizmu (Kraków 1935), p ; R. Kaśków, Zainteresowanie językiem hebrajskim, p See H. Barycz, Historja Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, p Elementale Hebraicum: in quo praeter caetera eius linguae rudimenta, declinationes et verborum coniugationes habentur. Cracoviae per Mathiam Scharfenberg Anno Nativitatis Christi Jesu Servatoris MDLXXX [!] , 4. The work did not endure. It is mentioned in: Jocher I, p , n. 607; J. Łukaszewski, Historya szkół w Koronie i w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim od najdawniejszych czasów aż do roku 1794 (Poznań 1849) I, p. 110; Wiszn. VI, p. 217; E XXIII, p. 188; DDP I/1, p None of the bibliographers provides location of the work. PT XII does not mention it at all. 6 See H. Barycz, Historja Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, p ; M. Bałaban, Historja Żydów w Krakowie i na Kazimierzu (Kraków 1931) I, p , n. 10; R. Kaśków, Zainteresowanie językiem hebrajskim, p ; Dawid Leonard,
3 3 Jan Campensis ( 1538) was a big name in the early days of Polish Hebrew studies. He came to Poland in 1533 in the retinue of Dantyszek invited by bishop Tomicki. In the period from February to May 1534 he ran lectures in Hebrew at the Academy. Before his departure to Venice, in search of Elias Levita, he left his Grammar to be printed, which appeared twice in Cracow in Walerian Pernus ( 1569), educated in Cracow and Parisian Collège des Lecteures Royaux, was the other teacher of Hebrew worth mentioning. He gave lectures in the Academy on the basis of Campensis Grammar in the years of The 40's of the 16th century hindered the development of Hebrew studies at the Academy due to scholastic reaction 9. Bishop Maciejowski in his attempt to revive Hebrew studies brought Francesco Stancaro ( 1574) to Cracow 10, who was a remarkable Hebrew expert, a Catholic clergyman of Jewish roots and an author of Hebrew Grammar 11. He arrived at Cracow about 1549, yet was arrested upon the declaration of his Reformation views. He escaped from prison and hid in Pińczów and then in Königsberg and then back again in Pińczów. It was him, who brought the spirit of dogmatic discord and disagreement to Polish Protestantism, which resulted in the fall of Polish- Lithuanian Reformation. After Pernus and Stancaro there were nine other Hebrew scholars who had classes in Hebrew in Cracow until the end of the Renaissance (1638) 12. Over the period of the Renaissance there were PSB IV, s Libellus, De natura Litterarum Et Punctorum Hebraicorum; aliisque ad exactam grammaticen,christianis, et neotericis Judaeis hucusque incognitam necessariis, ex variis opusculis Eliae Judaei, grammaticorum facile principis, pro Joannem Campensem concinnatus. Cracoviae Excusus per Mathiam Scharfenberg. Anno 1534, 8 ; Ex varijs libellis Eliae Grammaticorum omnium doctissimi, huc fere congestum est opera Ioannis Campensis, quicquid ab absolutam grammaticen Hebraicam est necessarium. Quod ultima pagella magis indicabit. Adiecta est ipsius Eliae tabula, ut vocant, coniugandi omnis generis verba, quae priori aeditioni, propter inopiam characterum Hebraicorum addi non poterat. Ex officina Ungleriana Cracoviae excusum. Anno D. M. XXXIIII. 25 Maij., 8. The second edition got preserved in several copies but the first one disappeared (Ossol. XVI.O.974; BJ Cim 1309). See: Jocher I, p. 69, n. 608a.b; J. Łukaszewicz, Historya szkół w Koronie, p. 110; E XIV, p. 32; PT VII, p. 65, n. 124; J. Bazydło, Campen, de Campo, Jan van den, EK II, p. 1303; H. Barycz, Historja Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, p See K. Morawski, Historya Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, p. 258; F.M. Sobieszczański, Troperus (Andrzej), EPOrg XXV, p. 586; H. Barycz, Historja Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, p ; J. Bieniarzówna, Pernus (Pirnis, Pyrnusz) Walerian, PSB XXV, p ; R. Kaśków, Zainteresowanie językiem hebrajskim, p See Jocher I, p. XXXI. XXXIV (of second pagination) (n. 60). 135 (n. 171); K. Pilarczyk, Źródła do bibliografii XVI- XVII-wiecznych hebraików z ziem polskich, Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej 45 (1995) 1-2, p See W. Urban, Stancarus, Francis, OER IV, p ; K. Morawski, Historya Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, p. 258; D.A. Frick, The Brest Bible of 1563: Translators, Sponsors, Readers, Biblia Święta to jest Księgi Starego i Nowego Zakonu. Brest 1563 (ed. H. Rothe F. Scholz) (Biblia Slavica 2/2/1; Padeborn München Wien Zürich 2001), p Cracow edition of the work was not preserved, yet it was mentioned by 18th and 19th century bibliographers, who described it as: Grammatica Institutio linguae Hebreae. In Regia Poloniae Cracovia, apud Joannem Haelicz anno ab incarnatione Verbi Mysterio MDXLVIII (1548) Mensis Februarii die XXI. 8ce see: Ianociana sive Clarorum Atque Illustrium Poloniae Auctorum Maecenatumque Memoriae Miscellae (Varsaviae Lipsiae 1776) I, p ; Jocher I, p. 69, n. 609; J. Łukaszewicz, Historya szkół w Koronie, p. 110; E XXIX, p Basle editions are available: Francisci Stancari Mantuani, Ebreae Grammaticae Institutio. In qua omnes octo orationis partes summa diligentia ita traduntur, ut nihil ad hanc rem desiderandum sit. Adiuncta sunt haec, ab eodem autore. Rerum omnium capita. Exercitatiuncula catholica. Et suae grammaticae compendium. Nunc primum in lucem aedita. Basileae, Excudebat Iac. Parcus, Anno M. D. XLVII. V. ID. APR, 8 (Ossol. XVI.O.730) and an edition of 1555 (Ossol. XVI.O.988). 12 Jan z Trzciany (Arundimensis) (1548), Andrzej Troper (1556/1557), Wojciech Buszowski ( ), Jan Porębny (1590), Szymon Gałkowic (about 1637). ). Several bachelors tried their hand at the discipline of Hebrew, tutoring the rudiments of Hebrew during vacation and Lent lectures. See: R. Palacz, Jan z Trzciany (Arundinensis), PSB X, p. 485; J. Czerkawski, Jan z Trzciany, Arundinensis, EK VII, p. 945; L. Hajdukiewicz, Gołkowic Szymon, PSB VIII, p ; H. Barycz, Historja Uniwersytetu
4 4 more viri trilingues, who did not conduct Hebrew classes directly 13. Another Hebrew scholar from Cracow Marcin Słonkowic ( 1658), the author of Hebrew Grammar and Hebrew lecturer around 1650, but that is already a different epoch 14. As you may see, there was an opportunity to study Hebrew in Cracow, however, there was no guarantee of its high level or regularity. Those who were interested in thorough studies of the language had to resort to private tutors or move to other academic centers in Europe. Cracow Academy was a centre of Hebrew studies, which had a distinctive humanistic character in itself. Half way through the 16th century, in Pińczów (in Little Poland), a typical Calvinistic centre emerged, which gathered Biblical philologists focused on the project of the Bible translation from original languages into Polish. The result of their hard work was so-called Brest Bible or Pińczów Bible (1563). Today it is really impossible to establish a precise list of Hebrew scholars centered in Pinczów. Yet, we can say with certainty that the leading team of translators comprised Grzegorz Orszak ( about 1567), Pierre Statorius ( 1591), Jaen Thénaud ( after 1582), Georg Schoman ( 1591) and Jakub Lubelczyk (?). It was Francesco Stancaro who was the tutor of Orszak 15. Let me mention that not all eminent Calvinistic philologists of that period were preoccupied with the translation of the Brest Bible 16. Soon after the Brest Bible appeared, both Calvinists and the Arians (Polish Brethren) took a decision to revise the translation. As a result of their efforts, two subsequent translations of the Jagiellońskiego, p Wojciech Nowopolczyk ( 1559), Stanisław Mareniusz ( 1580), Jerzy Liban ( po 1546), Błażej Bazyli Goliniusz ( 1625), Stanisław Grzepski ( 1570), Mateusz z Kościana ( 1545), Jan Kłobucki ( 1609), Jakub Vitelius ( 1648), Mikołaj Żórawski Geranius ( 1595), Wojciech Gryglicki ( 1670). See R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu szczyrego słowa Bożego. Recepcja zachodnioeuropejskiej hebraistyki w studiach chrześcijańskich w Rzeczypospolitej doby renesansu (Rozprawy naukowe 86; Wrocław 2011), p The author of Hebrew grammar: Synopsis Grammaticae Hebraicae, In gratiam eorum, quibus cordi est Linguae Sanctae notitia, ex praeceptis generalioribus, Orthographiae, Etymologiae, Syntaxeos, & Prosodiae Deducta Per M. Martinum Slonkowic in Alma Acad. Crac. Regium & Linguae Hebraicae Professorem. Cracoviae, Apud Lucam Kupisz S. R. M. Typographum, Anno Domini 1651, 8. See: E XXVIII, p. 253; W. Baczkowska, Słonkowic (Słomkiewicz, Słonkowicz) Marcin, PSB XXXIX, p The list of translators in the form of a manuscript can be found in a copy of the Brest Bible stored in Paris (BnF Rés. 458). Lists of translators and men of letters who worked on the Brest Bible come from yet other sources and studies, they are not compatible, though. Besides those mentioned above the following names are quoted: Jan Łaski ( 1560), Szymon Zacjusz ( 1576), Andrzej Trzecieski Młodszy ( ok. 1584), Bernard Wojewódka ( 1554), Jan Utenhove ( 1566), Francesco Lismanini ( 1566), Giorgio Biandrata ( 1588). There are names of several people on the lists, whose participation in the works is doubtful or rather impossible, e.g.: Bernardino Ochino ( 1564/1565), Gianpaolo Alciati ( 1581), Grzegorz Paweł z Brzezin ( 1591), Aleksander Vitrelin ( 1586), Piotr Brelius (?), Marcin Krowicki ( 1573). See: S.W. Ringeltaube, Gründliche Nachricht von polnischen Bibeln (Danzig 1744); D.A. Frick, The Brest Bible, p Jan Mączyński (before 1584) was a Hebrew scholar as well. He was the author of a pioneering work on Polish, a lexicographer, the student of Martin Borrhaus (Cellarius) (1564) and Konrad Pellicanus. After graduation from his studies Maczyński abandoned Calvinism for ArianismSee H. Barycz, Mączyński Jan, PSB XX, p ; Dzieje nauki w Polsce w epoce odrodzenia (Warszawa ), p
5 5 whole Bible were made, from original, so-called Nesvizh Bible (1572) in the translation of Szymon Budny and Danzig Bible (1632) in the translation of Daniel Mikołajewski. Two new groups of Polish and Lithuanian Hebrew scholars, of Calvinian-Czech Brethren and the Arians, focused on those translation projects. Szymon Budny ( about 1595) was the most remarkable Hebrew scholar among Polish Arians. It is not known exactly where he learned the biblical languages, supposedly in Cracow or Königsberg, or was self-taught, as others claim. We know for sure that he was in touch with the Jews, and what is more, he was held in high esteem among the Jews for using Talmud 17. Maciej Kawieczyński, assisted Budny in the first stage of the Old Testament translation, which leads us to believe that must have had rudimentary knowledge of Hebrew. But because of doctrinal discords Budny completed the translation of the Holy Scripture himself 18. Another Arian Marcin Czechowicz ( 1613), the translator of the New Testament in 1577, also knew Hebrew 19, which may also be known to Jan Niemojewski ( 1598) who received his education in Königsberg 20. Krzysztof Trecy ( 1591) the translator of an unfinished translation of the Bible and Marcin Janicki, who translated the whole Bible from original languages anew around 1600, belonged to the Calvinian-Czech Brethren Hebrew scholars. A big team of biblical scholars among whom were: Daniel Mikołajewski ( 1633), Franciszek Stankar Junior ( 1621) the son of a Hebrew scholar from Mantova, and many others, worked on the review of the translation 21. The Czech Brethren circle of philologists comprised also other Hebrew scholars not involved directly into the work on the Danzig Bible. The most outstanding expert on Hebrew among Czech Brethren was Łukasz Helicz from Poznań (born around 1517), probably the son of Aszer Paweł Helicz, the co-founder of the first Jewish print house in Poland. Łukasz Helicz took part in the 17 Budny associated much with Jewish scholars, and was a great friend of the Jews. He was somewhat familiar with the Hebrew language and literature. Hezekiah David Abulafia mentions him in his work Ben Zeḳuniam in the following words: «There is another wise man, by the name of Simon Budny, who praises the Talmud very much and considers it to be the best work of all literatures», H. Rosenthal, Budny, Simon, JEnc III, p See R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p See S. Kot, Czechowic Marcin, PSB IV, p. 307; cf. H. Barycz, Dzieje nauki w Polsce, p See R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p The sources and studies still provide some other names. Calvinists: Bartłomiej Bythner ( 1629), Andrzej z Łukowa, Józef ze Szczekocin, Baltazar Krośniewicz ( 1624); Czech Brethren: Jan Turnowski ( 1629), Marcin Gracjan Gertichen ( 1629), Stanisław Laurencius. See T. Wojak, Studium o Biblii gdańskiej, Z problemów reformacji 5 (1985), p The name of Czech Brethren Szymon Teofil Turnowski, who definitely knew Hebrew and together with Jan his nephew was working on the Bible translations, is worth mentioning. See J. Łukaszewicz, O kościołach braci czeskich w dawnej Wielkiejpolsce (Poznań 1835), p ; Bibliografia literatury polskiej. Nowy Korbut (ed. K. Budzyk) (Warszawa 1965) III, p
6 6 translation of the Czech Bible of Kralice 22. Another Czech Brethren, Jan Rybiński ( 1638), the son of Maciej ( 1612), the author of the paraphrased Book of Psalms translated into Polish, knew Hebrew too 23. While talking about centers and circles of Hebrew studies in Poland two very important academic centers must be mentioned, strictly connected with the Kingdom of Poland, in which Hebrew was taught. It was the Lutheran University in Königsberg, situated in Polish fiefdom lands and the Jesuit Academy in Vilnius, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which together with the Kingdom of Poland constituted Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. A Lithuanian humanist Abraham Kulwieć (Culvensis) educated in Cracow, Louvain, Wittenberg, Leipzig and Siena, as well as Stanisław Rafałowicz (Rapagelanus), who also learned in Cracow and in Wittenberg, were among the first Hebrew scholars in Königsberg 24. Both of them died suddenly in 1545 after merely several months of academic activity in Königsberg University called Albertinum. The protégées /proteżeis/ of Philipp Melanchthon's, namely, Andreas Wesseling ( 1570) and Fryderick Staphylus ( 1564) took over lecturing in Hebrew upon their death. There were many more Hebrew scholars in Collegium Albertinum, though not all of them taught Hebrew directly (Jan Sciurus, Andreas Osiander, Francesco Stancaro, Henning Adendrop, Nicolaus Goniäus, Stanisław Murzynowski). At the beginning professorship in Hebrew was subjected to philological department. It was not until 1553 that Hebrew chair was established with its first professor Andreas Wesseling 25. Cherishing such a numerous group of biblical philologists, instigated Prince Albrecht Hohenzollern ( 1568) to attempt at a new translation of the Bible from original languages into Polish, rewarded with a print of the New Testament. Jesuits also taught Hebrew in their colleges. Their most active centre in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was Vilnius Academy. It emerged from a college founded in 1570, which in See DDP I/1, p ; J. Bidlo, Wzajemne stosunki czeskiej i polskiej Jednoty w okresie , Reformacja w Polsce 2 (1922) 5-6, p J. Łukaszewicz, O kościołach braci czeskich, p ; H. Barycz, Z dziejów polskich wędrówek naukowych za granicę (Wrocław Warszawa Kraków 1969), p ; H. Gmiterek, Rybiński Jan ( ), PSB XXXIII, p ; A. Danysz, Autobiografja Jana Rybińskiego senjora braci czeskich, Reformacja w Polsce 2 (1922) 8, p ; R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p See: R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p ; J. Małłek W. Polak, Rapagelan Stanisław, PSB XXX, p ; S. Augusiewicz J. Jasiński T. Oracki, Wybitni Polacy w Królewcu. XVI-XX wiek (Olsztyn 2005), p ; I. Warmiński, Andrz. Samuel i Jan Seklucjan (Poznań 1906), p See L. Geiger, Das Studium der hebräischen Sprache in Deutschland vom Ende des XV. bis zur Mitte des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Breslau 1870), p ; R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p
7 7 received the status of a university. From the very beginning of its activity the school boasted the opportunity of teaching ancient languages, among which was biblical Hebrew, which became a subject in the syllabus. Hebrew could be heard in the form of poems recited to welcome important guests or during school celebrations. The opportunity to learn Hebrew was attractive and popular with Polish and Lithuanian youths and attracted not only Catholics but also Protestants. Among the Jesuits that were learning at the Academy, there were many well-educated Hebrew scholars, educated in the most important centres in Europe. Many of them took lessons in Collegium Romanum, where Giovanni Battista Eliano, the grandson of Elias Levita taught (a Christian and a Jesuit from 1551) 26. Hebrew was known well by the first Vice-Chancellors of the University, namely, Stanisław Warszewicki ( 1591) and Jakub Wujek ( 1597). Until the first half of the 17th century Hebrew was taught in Vilnius by at least fifteen Hebrew scholars of different origins 27 and at least eight professors had knowledge of Hebrew which they used to teach theology Christian and Jewish Hebrew Printing in Renaissance Poland The usage of Hebrew writing by Cracow printing houses dates back to the 30's of the 16th century. The first title in which square writing was to appear, now lost, was Hebrew Grammar, prepared for printing by Dawid Leonard and printed at Maciej Szarfenberg's in The oldest preserved print in which Hebrew fonts were used is a Latin paraphrase of the Book of Psalms in Campensis' translation of Hebrew writing appeared much earlier (about 1527/1528) in Ungler's prints, yet in the form of inscriptions engraved in wooden blocks 30. Extensive parts of texts written in Hebrew were printed in a Latin Grammar of One can find 26 [ ]. 27 Michał Tolmaier z Krainy ( ), Jakub Wujek ( ), Paweł Boksza ( ?), Jan Liesiewski (1601, 1602), Jan Komparski (1605), Jan Gogolewski (1614), Wawrzyniec Bartilius (1618), Szymon Berent (1620), Szymon Ugniewski (1623), Jan Rywocki (1638), Oswald Krüger (1632, 1636, 1641, 1642); Jan Chądzyński (1643, 1644, 1645), Jerzy Buda (1646), Paweł Laskowski (1648) i Walenty Skowid (1647, 1649, 1652, 1653). See: L. Piechnik, Dzieje Akademii Wileńskiej (Rzym 1984) I, p ; (Rzym 1983) II, p. 141; R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p Stanisław Warszewicki ( 1591), Justus Rab ( 1612), Adrian Junga ( 1607), Andrzej Wargocki ( after 1620), Michał Ortiz ( 1638), Jakub Ortiz ( 1625), Emanuel de Vega ( 1640), Wojciech Graben (he tought in Braniewo, 1693). See R. Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu, p Psalmorum Omnium iuxta Hebraicam veritatem paraphrastica interpretatio, autore Ioanne Campensi, publico, cum nascerent primum, et absoleretur, Lovanij Hebraicarum literarum professore R. D. Ioanni Dantisco Episcopo Culmensi etc. dedicata. Cracoviae apud Florianum Unglerium. Anno M. D. XXXII, 1532, 8 (Ossol. XVI.O.912; BJ Cim 23). 30 [Ewangeliarz Unglera, ed. Jan of Sącz (Malecki), Kraków, F. Ungler, 1527/1528], 8, k. d4 (Ossol. XVI.O.863). 31 Institutiones grammaticae Joannis Cervi Tucholiensis una cum interpretatione ex Nicolao Perotto, Laurentio Valla, Marco Varone, Nonio Marcello succincte decerpta. Ad haec idiomate polonico et germanico illustrata. Cracoviae, ex officina Ungleriana Mense Julio, A. D. 1533, 8. See: E XIV, p. 130; PT VII, p. 64, n. 112.
8 8 the whole pages printed in Hebrew in Campensis' Grammar of Thus, it goes to show that Polish Christian printing houses had Hebrew fonts at their disposal since the 30's of the 16th century, though they were rarely used for printing, except for single words or short texts in theological and philological Latin papers 33. This publishing job should be placed against the backdrop of humanistic influence spreading from Cracow Academy, where both Greek and Hebrew were lectured since the 30's of the 16th century. Therefore, we can say that three-lingual possibilities offered by printing houses must have been perceived as a yardstick of modernity and a sign of times 34. The books mentioned above, which contained only fragments in Hebrew, were Latin ones targeted at Christians. At the same time, a printing house in the vicinity of Cracow, in Kazimierz, began publishing the whole books in Hebrew, meant for Jewish community. It was a printing house run since 1534 by Helicz' brothers: Samuel, Aszer and Eliakim. Those brothers got baptized about 1537, which immediately complicated their relations with the Jews from Cracow. Soon afterwards, they separated and started to run independent printing houses, publishing literature for the Jews and the Christians, for example Hebrew Grammar by Francesco Stancaro 35 and the New Testament in German 36, printed in Jewish writing 37. In the period that caught our attention, there were two other printing houses typically Jewish in Lublin 38 and in Cracow 39, printing literature for the Jews (mainly Torah and Talmud). Christian printing in Poland, in the period of our interest, published merely few books aimed at those interested in learning Hebrew and did not play as significant a role in the development of interests in Hebrew as West European printing houses. Therefore, Polish Hebrew scholars had to 32 See n Hieronim Wietor ( 1546/1547), Mateusz Siebeneicher ( 1582), Aleksy Rodecki ( 1605) also used Hebrew fonts. See: DDP I/1, s ; A. Kawecka-Gryczowa, Ariańskie oficyny wydawnicze Rodeckiego i Sternackiego (Wrocław Warszawa Kraków Gdańsk 1974), p See: DDP I/1, s Eliakim Jan ran Latin printing house ( ). Probably it was a house of Helena Ungler, where Helicz was the Head. In 1548 he printed Hebrew Grammar by Francesco Stancaro, at the expense of bishop Maciejowski. See K. Pilarczyk, Leksykon drukarzy ksiąg hebrajskich w Polsce. Z bibliografią polono-judaików w językach żydowskich (XVI-XVIII wiek) (Kraków 2004), p Aszer Paweł printed it within missionary activity among the Jews (Cracow ). It was a version of translation by Martin Luther. See K. Pilarczyk, Nowy Testament po żydowsku wydrukowany w Krakowie w latach , Studia Judaica 12 (2009) 1-2, p See M. Bałaban, Historja Żydów, p ; Drukarstwo żydowskie w Polsce XVI w., Pamiętnik Zjazdu Naukowego im J. Kochanowskiego (Kraków 1931), p ; K. Pilarczyk, Talmud i jego drukarze w pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej. Z dziejów przekazu religijnego w judaizmie (Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Prace Międzywydziałowej Komisji Historii i Kultury Żydów 2; Kraków 1998), p ; Leksykon drukarzy ksiąg hebrajskich, p ; DDP I/1, p ; J. Dyl, Helicze, EK VI, p. 651; B. Kocowski, Helicz Andrzej, PSB IX, p. 362; Helicz Jan, PSB IX, p ; Helicz Paweł, PSB IX, p. 363; M. Rothkegel, Eine jüdisch-deutsche Handschrift des Buchdruckers und Konvertiten Johannes Helicz, Breslau 1537, Communio viatorum 44 (2002) 1, p See: K. Pilarczyk, Talmud i jego drukarze, p ; Leksykon drukarzy ksiąg hebrajskich, p ; DDP I/1, p See: K. Pilarczyk, Talmud i jego drukarze, s ; Leksykon drukarzy ksiąg hebrajskich, p ; DDP I/1, p
9 9 rely on books imported from West Europe. We can find them in their private libraries and on stock lists of printers and booksellers from Cracow Hebrew Grammar Books Printed in Poland for the Christians In the 16th century four Hebrew Grammars appeared in Poland. The first one was written by Dawid Leonard, distributed only in the form of a manuscript, which did not outlast till our times. The other three were printed. F.M. Novenianus, Elementale Hebraicum (Cracow, Maciej Szarfenberg, 1530). The Cracow edition of the grammar was prepared for printing by Dawid Leonard. It was dedicated to bishop Piotr Tomicki. Unfortunately, not a single copy of the book survived till now. We can imagine its form and content on the basis of its edition from Leipzig of , which served as a model for publishers from Cracow. It was a 32-page booklet in quarto. Two editions of Campensis' Grammar 42 : - Ex varijs libellis Eliae Grammaticorum omnium (Cracow, Unglerian's printing house, 1534) - Libellus, de natura Litterarum Et Punctorum Hebraicorum (Cracow, Maciej Szarfenberg, 1534). There are still few copies of Ungler's edition now. The book consists of 44 cards in octavo. It was dedicated to bishop Tomicki. F. Stancaro, Grammatica Institutio linguae Hebreae (Cracow, J.Helicz, 1548). It was the most voluminous Hebrew Grammar issued in Renaissance Cracow and dedicated to bishop Samuel Maciejowski. Unfortunately, I did not manage to find any copy of Polish edition, therefore, I took two Basle editions of the work as the basis of the description 43. According to Polish bibliographers 44 the book appeared in octavo. Presumably it consisted of 160 cards, just like the 40 It refers to stock lists of Maciej Szarfenberg (1547) and Helena Ungler (1551). See A. Benis, Materiały do historii drukarstwa i księgarstwa w Polsce, Archiwum do dziejów literatury i oświaty w Polsce (Kraków 1892) VII, p. 1-71; DDP I/1, p Elementale Hebraicum In Quo Praeter Caetera Eius Linguae rudimenta, declinationes et verborum coniugationes habentur, omnibus Hebraicarum literarum studiosis non tam utile, quam necessarium. Philippo Noveniano Hasfurtino authore. Lipsiae excussit diligentissimus stanniscribarum Valentius Schumannus cuius opera sit ut hic graeca & latina (ac brevi, ut speramus, hebraica) cultissime imprimantur. Anno a virgineo partu. M. D. XX. VI kalen, Februarijs, 4 (Jer HU Stacks R8= 78 B 6). 42 See n See n E XXIX, p. 173.
10 10 editions from Basle. At the end of the work there was Ebreae grammaticae compendium, which comprises the most important information on Hebrew grammar on 28 pages. Novenianus's and Campensis' grammars contained information on Hebrew aimed at beginners. There we can read about consonants and vowels, syllables, reading tasks, patterns of noun declensions and verb conjugations, a lecture on suffixes (affixa), numerals and stresses. Stancaro's grammar provided Polish reader with an overall picture of Hebrew grammar. There you can find a detailed description of conjugation of strong and weak verb roots as well as a little information on syntax. All three grammars were not original works. They were modeled upon the works of others Jewish and Christian authors (Moses Kimchi, David Kimchi, Abraham Ibn Ezra, Elias Levita, Johannes Reuchlin, Wolfgang Capito, Johann Cellarius Gnostopolitanus). Around 1539 Jerzy Liban in his work, De accentuum ecclesiasticorum exquisita ratione, published a short lecture on Hebrew stress system, pointing at the opportunity to use them in sacred singing 45. Conclusion My examination allows me to provide answers to the questions posed in the beginning of my paper. 1. The process of reception of Hebrew knowledge in Poland took place in four ways: by personal contacts of magnates and church dignitaries with the West-European Hebrew experts; through Jewish converts, teaching Semitic languages; through foreign studies at European university centres; books were also tools of reception, mainly the ones brought by those coming back from foreign trips or imported by bookshops. We can say that practically all of the most important university centers dealing with this matter, exerted influence on Polish Hebrew studies. In the first half of the 16th century they were: Wittenberg, Italian centers, Paris, Louvain, Cracow and Königsberg. In the second half of the 16th century Swiss (Basle, Geneva, Zurich) and others German (Frankfurt on Oder, Heidelberg, Marburg) centers had a greater influence on non-catholic studies. Collegium Romanum was very popular with the Jesuits. 45 De accentuum ecclesiasticorum exquisita ratione, scilicet Lectionali, Epistolari, et Euangelico, Libellus omnibus sacris iniciatis, Vicarijs et Ecclesiae Ministris, non minus Utilis quam necessaries. Impressum Cracoviae per Matthiam Scharffenberg Impensis eius proprijs, [about 1539], 8 (Ossol. XVI.O.756; 757).
11 11 2. Polish Hebrew studies were not creative. They were imitative in character. 3. The contacts of Polish humanists and reformers with the Jews, persisting in their faith, were of insignificant importance for local Hebrew studies. 4. Both in the West and in Poland, one could observe humanistic trends of Hebrew studies, as well as trends connected with different Christian confessions (Lutheran, Calvinist, Radical and Catholic). 5. We can talk about two methods of Hebrew studies organization in times of Renaissance in Poland-Lithuanian Commonwealth: within university structures (Cracow Academy, Collegium Albertinum and Vilnius Academy), or within religious movements (communities centered round the Hebrew Bible translation projects). Polish Hebrew studies were first of all practical. Their purpose was to provide an opportunity to use the Hebrew Bible texts directly, and the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Polish. 7. It is very difficult to assess the level of knowledge of Polish Hebrew scholars. However, it must have been high enough to result in four translations of the whole Hebrew Bible, lavishly equipped with notes and comments, which also had the forms of discussions over linguistic matters. 8. The number of people with high command of Hebrew, acquired over university studies (most frequently theological) had to be of limited range. I succeeded in finding 25 names of lecturers teaching Hebrew within university structures both in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and in Königsberg. Further 61 people knew Hebrew and used their knowledge in teaching theology or in work on the Bible translation. We can roughly estimate the number of people who were learning Hebrew in Poland or abroad, in the 16th century and at the beginning of the 17th century, as a few hundred. The margins and comments to the biblical text in Polish editions of the Holy Bible are swarming with Hebrew words and phrases, written in Latin transliteration or square script. Their presence in the editions of the Bible, aimed at an average reader, attests to the fact that the knowledge of Hebrew at a popular level (the alphabet, the ability to read, the mastery of basic words and simple syntactic structures) among educated people was not rare. A List of Abbreviations: DDP Drukarze dawnej Polski. Od XV do XVIII wieku (ed. A. Kawecka-Gryczowa) (Wrocław Warszawa Kraków Gdańsk Łódź 1959-) I-. E K. Estreicher, Bibliografia polska, (Kraków 1870-) I-. EK Encyklopedia katolicka (Lublin 1989-) I-. EPOrg Encyklopedyja powszechna (ed. S. Orgelbrand) (Warszawa ) I-XXVIII. JEnc Jewish Encyclopedia. A Descriptive Record of the History, Religion, Literature, and Customs of the Jewish People from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (ed. I. Singer) (Jerusalem ) I-XII.
12 12 Jocher A. Jocher, Obraz bibliograficzno-historyczny literatury i nauk w Polsce, od wprowadzenia do niej druku po rok 1830 włącznie, (Wilno ) I-III. OER The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation (ed. H.J. Hillerbrand) (New York Oxford 1996) I-IV. PSB Polski Słownik Biograficzny, (Kraków 1935-) I-. PT Polonia typographica saeculi sedecimi (ed. A. Kawecka-Gryczowa) (Wrocław Warszawa Kraków Gdańsk 1959-) I-. Wiszn. M. Wiszniewski, Historia literatury polskiej (Kraków ) I-X. A List of Abbreviations of the Names of Libraries: BJ Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Kraków (Poland). BnF Bibliothèque national de France, Paris. Jer HU Library of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Ossol. Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, Wrocław (Poland).
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